The Lok Sabha on 5th December 2025, passed the Health Security se National Security Cess Bill, 2025. The Health se National Security Cess (‘Health and National Security Cess’) is an unusual marriage of public health and national security. And an example that when the State is determined for revenue, even tax law is not alien to creativity.
In the first part of this article, I examine the Union of India’s previous conceptualization – but inability to operationalize – a standalone National Defence Fund. Instead, six years after mooting the idea of a National Defence Fund, the Union seems to have adopted the relatively easy way of levying another cess for funding national security related expenses. In the second part of this article, I address the public health component. I state that income taxpayers currently pay a Health and Education Cess. The introduction of Health and National Security Cess means we have two ‘partial cesses’ for public health. Public health is crucial – and underfunded – to necessitate additional money via two cesses, but not crucial enough to deserve its own dedicated cess. Ironically, we still won’t know how much money from both cesses is will be specifically spent on public health.
I conclude that while both national security and public health are crucial, the need for a cess apart from the general budgetary allocation requires a stronger – and better articulated – jusitifcation. Merely saying that the State needs additional revenue is not sufficient. Union and even States increasingly prefer cesses because they offer an easy route to raise additional money without adequate accountability. Successive Finance Commissions have recommended reduction in cesses on grounds of their misuse and lack of transparency. But the Indian tax policy landscape stubbornly moves in the opposite direction.
I. Introduction
Preamble of the Health Security se National Security Cess Bill, 2025 (‘Bill’) states that resources need to be augmented for meeting expenses on national security and for public health. The Health and National Security Cess has been termed as a ‘special excise cess’. Clause 3 of the Bill imposes tax liability on any person who owns, possesses, or controls or undertakes a process by which specified goods are manufactured. And Schedule I of the Bill lists pan masala as the specified good. Though the Union of India is empowered to notify ‘any other goods’ as specified goods under the Bill. Clearly the Health and National Security Cess can be extended to other ‘demerit’ goods to further augment revenue collection. Why do we need this cess? Augmenting of revenues is a standard reason and can be used for any tax and doesn’t fully explain the imposition and levy of Health and National Security Cess. The proximate reasons for the Health and National Security Cess are two-fold:
One, as the finance minister explained in the Rajya Sabha, until September 2025 the levy of GST Compensation Cess ensured that de-merit goods such as tobacco and pan masala were subjected to a high tax rate of approximately 88%. With the rationalization of GST rates, the highest tax rate is now 40%, and GST Compensation Cess has been phased out. The Health and National Security Cess aims to preserve the previous revenue stream from demerit goods such as pan masala without disturbing the new three-tier GST rate structure.
Second – and this is specifically for national security – the Union has been unable to operationalise a standalone Defence Fund. The idea of a Defence Fund was mooted by the Union six years ago. The Union in July 2019, amended the Terms of Reference of the 15th Finance Commission (‘Commission’) to specifically require the Commission to examine a separate mechanism for funding defence and internal security. The Commission was required to examine if a standalone Defence Fund should be set up and how it should be operationalized. The Commission in its final report – submitted in October 2021 – recommended establishment of the Defence Fund and also provided detailed and specific targets for a five-year period. But the Union did not take any concrete steps. Eventually, in December 2025 the Union has instead adopted the familiar path of levying a cess, i.e., the Health and National Security Cess.
II. Defence and Internal Security
a. A ‘Defence Fund’ Conceptualized
The Terms of Reference (ToR) of the 15th Finance Commission required it to examine whether a separate mechanism for funding of defence and internal security ought to be setup and how to operationalize the fund. The above clause was added in ToR via an amendment. And the request was also unprecedented since no previous Finance Commission had been tasked with a similar obligation. The immediate concern from States was that the Union may reduce funds available in the common divisible pool by earmarking a portion of States’ funds towards the ‘Defence Fund’. Various States made similar representations to the Commission arguing that they were not opposed to a Defence Fund if it does not shrink the common divisible pool.
The Union – primarily through the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of Home Affairs – made a strong case for a Defence Fund before the Commission. Both Ministries made similar arguments, i.e., the budgetary allocations were insufficient to meet their capital expense needs for defence and internal security. And a Defence Fund will partially meet the shortfall.
The Commission examined the issue in detail and recommended that the Union setup a dedicated, non-lapsable fund called Modernisation Fund for Defence and Internal Security (MFDIS). The Ministry of Defence was to retain exclusive rights over the MFDIS and Ministry of Home Affairs could only utilize a part amount for internal security. The Commission identified four specific sources for incremental funding and even provided annual targets to the Union of India. A screenshot from the Finance Commission’s report below shows it ambitious plan to earmark funds for defence and internal security.
If the Commission’s recommendations were followed in totality, then in the past five years the fund would have accumulated more than two lakh crore rupees. While the amount may seem optimistic, we didn’t witness even an effort by the Union in meeting the Commission’s target. There was no public dissent from the Commission’s recommendations or a disagreement about its estimation or mention by the Union about the feasibility of a Defence Fund as understood by the Commission.
b. Defence Fund ‘Abandoned’, Cess Operational
We have no publicly available information whether the concept of Defence Fund has been permanently abandoned. Or Defence Fund as envisaged by the Commission was not agreeable to the Union. We do have a curious situation where the entire idea of a standalone Defence Fund mooted by the Union seems to have been abandoned by it with no explanation. The Commission not only endorsed the idea of a Defence Fund but also provided a roadmap for operationalizing it. But the Union seems to have moved on. And instead, in December 2025, the Union has chosen to levy a Health and National Security Cess to meet defence needs. And the cess name indicates, it is a half measure towards defence needs. All funds raised through the Health and National Security Cess will not be exclusive to defence; a portion will be earmarked towards internal security needs and another portion towards public health. In what proportion will the funds of Health and National Security Cess be divided between defence, internal security, and public health is unknown. And probably will be for life.
II. Public Health
Under Seventh Schedule of the Constitution, public health has been included in the State List. But income tax is the Union’s domain. The Constitution is silent if the Union can collect cess on a subject listed in the State List. The ‘constitutional silence’ on legislative competence on cess has allowed the Union to collect Health and Education Cess over and above the income tax. And the same leeway will probably extend to the Health and National Security Cess.
a. Health and Education Cess
Under the Income Tax Act, 1961 a ‘Health and Education Cess’ is levied and collected on 4% of income tax payable by an assessee. It is a compulsory levy on all income taxpayers. Again, how much of the money collected under this cess is allocated to health and education respectively remains unknown. From 2004 to 2018, income taxpayers paid an Education Cess which was levied at 2% and was later increased to 3% of income tax. In 2018, Education Cess was renamed to Health and Education and the rate was increased to 4% of total income tax. The Finance Minister estimated an additional Rs 11,000 crores annually because of the increase in cess rate. But the Finance Minister didn’t specify if the additional amount would be allocated to public health or education or generally the proportion in which the amount will be split between the two. Are we to presume that the additional 1% of the money collected under the Health and Education Cess is allocated to public health? Or is the money now equally divided between public health and education? We don’t have any clarity.
b. Another Health Cess
Despite there being a Health and Education Cess, the Union has chosen to levy the Health and National Securiy Cess. A relevant question is: if there is an already existing health cess, why levy another one? Is the money collected under the pre-existing Health and Education Cess insufficient for public health expenses? If yes, why not levy a dedicated public health cess? And what is the justification of coupling public health with national security? National security encompasses both defence and internal security. It won’t be unreasonable to presume that national security will claim lion’s share of the funds collected under the Health and National Security Cess. And since public health is not the Union’s domain, it is difficult to hold it accountable for utilization of funds for public health. At the same time, it is evident that the Union considers public health important to warrant two ‘partial cesses’. But not enough for public health to deserve a dedicated cess. Two half measures don’t make a full one.
Conclusion
The 15th Finance Commission in its report noted that the Ministry of Defence receives the maximum budget allocation amongst all the Union’s ministries. And yet, the Ministry of Defence argued before the Commission that a separate non-lapsable Defence Fund was necessary to meet increasing need for capital expenses. The Ministry of Home Affairs had also advocated for the Defence Fund since its budgetary allocations were termed as insufficient. And yet for four years – since the Commission provided a roadmap – we haven’t seen any concrete action to make the Defence Fund a reality. Instead, after six years of mooting the idea of Defence Fund and even receiving endorsement from the Commission the Union has decided to levy a cess to partially fund national security expenses. Levying a cess is convenient for the Union as it has to provide no estimate of fund collection, transparency is limited, and there is no clear roadmap of expenses and their allocation. And reliance on yet another cess reveals that national security rhetoric is easier but substantive measures on national security – even on the revenue side – require long, consistent groundwork.
Finally, a general word on cesses. Cesses are a trick on the Constitution. The legal limits on powers to levy cess – of both the Union and States – are hazy. Supreme Court in a few instances has clarified the power to levy cesses in specific contexts, but broader issues remain unresolved and, in some instances, even unknown. It is the legal uncertainty on cesses that allows States to collect a ‘cow cess’ from purchasers of alcohol. It is the same legal uncertainty that allows the Union to levy cess on public health, a State subject. And the same uncertainty allows the Union to levy multiple cesses without appropriate accountability. Despite repeated recommendations from successive Finance Commissions, Comptroller and Auditor General of India, and even some States to reduce the no. of cesses the tax policy landscape in India stubbornly moves in the opposite direction.
