Tax Privacy: To Begin a Conversation … 

Income tax law is based on disclosing information to the State. Personal financial information. Bank account statements, investments, salary receipts, rent paid or received, medical expenses, money transferred to spouse, expenses of children, insurance premiums, political donations, charitable contributions to name a few. Each piece of information is necessary to ascertain the exact tax liability of a taxpayer. And it is statutory duty of a taxpayer to make accurate and timely disclosures.  

If income tax administration is based on State compulsorily seeking detailed financial information from taxpayers, is it even possible to expect tax privacy? Yes. In fact, one could argue it is necessary to demand tax privacy. But what would tax privacy look like? What safeguards can be reasonably demanded and expected? There are no concrete answers and if I may dare suggest, no tentative answers either. Because the conversation around tax privacy in India has not even begun. 

To Begin a Conversation … 

Conduct an unscientific and random survey: ask your colleagues and friends if they are comfortable sharing their income tax returns with everyone? The dominant response will be no. Tax privacy in India starts and ends with a strong disagreement to make income tax returns public. Tax privacy in India hasn’t progressed beyond the notion of income tax returns. And even in this example, privacy exists in a rudimentary shape. The disinclination to share one’s income tax return with public at large isn’t entirely rooted in privacy, but a desire to avoid unnecessary scrutiny by social media and other ‘experts’, who may find numerous inconsistencies or point at insufficient income disclosures. And there lies the risk of reassessment notices, a trigger with which the Income Tax Department isn’t unfamiliar. And if you are even mildly popular, your income tax returns will be the fodder of endless gossip. Though you may not be object if your advance tax payments are conveniently disclosed to underline your success. 

The broad expectation of an Indian taxpayer seems to be that the State can access all relevant financial information, but the details contained in income tax returns should not be disclosed to the public at large without previous consent of the taxpayer, if at all. But we seem to have accepted or at least resigned to the fact that there is no concrete limit on the State’s power to secure personal financial information. How else will the State assess your income tax liability is the retort? 

An accurate response is that the State does not need unfettered access to your personal financial information to ascertain your income tax liability. State needs access to your ‘relevant’ personal financial information. Ordinarily, a taxpayer makes self-assessment – with help of a tax lawyer or an accountant – and discloses the relevant financial information. The State may, at times, demand additional information on the ground of ‘insufficient disclosure’ or to verify certain expenses. And it is at the juncture of disclosure and additional disclosure where privacy needs to be a shield for taxpayer, but it is conspicuous by its absence. The concept of tax privacy as a legal concept isn’t sufficiently articulated in India, especially to mediate the exchange of information and additional information between the State and taxpayers.          

Disclosing Financial Information 

Privacy is in the context of tax law, especially income tax law requires specific articulation. If I disclose to the State that I received a gift of immovable property from my parents, it is to ensure that an appropriate amount of tax is paid on the gift received. Hiding the transaction may allow me to escape the tax liability, in the short term or even forever, but it would be contravention of income tax law. But what if the State secures access to the transaction between me and my parents? If I did not disclose it voluntarily, maybe I boasted about acquiring a new immovable property on social media, and the State monitoring my virtual activity suddenly swung into action.

One pertinent question here is: can the State monitor my virtual activities in the hope of finding my ‘hidden’ sources of income or does it need prior permission before monitoring my activities? Privacy centric answer would lean in favor of the latter. The answer would suggest that the State needs to have a priori justification to monitor a taxpayer’s online activity. And such surveillance can only take place for a limited time and for specific activities. For example, tracking phone calls or movement without listening to the content of phone conversations. Our income tax laws are designed to grant the State power to intrude into taxpayer’s lives and the threshold to intrude into taxpayer’s life isn’t high. 

For example, let me look at some provisions that have lately generated some concern. Currently, search and seizure operations are permitted under Sec 132, IT Act, 1961 if some designated officers such as the Principal Commissioner, Chief Commissioner or Principal Chief Commissioner have ‘reason to believe’ that certain documents, articles, gold, etc. that are relevant to proceedings under the IT Act, 1961 have not produced by the taxpayer. The search and seizure operations empower officers to enter any building, vessel, aircraft, etc. and search persons, seize book, articles, etc. Section 132(9B) also empowers the officers to provisionally attach property of the taxpayer. These are extensive powers that are at times used to browbeat political opponents or journalists that the State doesn’t particularly like. Does the Income Tax Bill, 2025 go a step forward and provide additional powers to the State? Yes. 

Clause 247, Income Tax Bill, 2025 largely mirrors Section 132, IT Act, 1961, except the latter also provides the officers powers to override access codes to virtual digital space and any computer system where the codes are not available. It is the digital equivalent of powers to break lock to enter a locked building where the keys to the lock are unavailable. The threshold under Income Tax Bill, 2025 remains the same as under the IT Act, 1961. The authorized officer must have a ‘reason to believe’ that some document or information contained in an electronic media is not being disclosed by the taxpayer in relation to an income or property. 

Reason to believe is the subjective opinion of the officer in question and as per courts, should be based on credible material. But there must be proximate relation between the material on which opinion is formed and the final opinion. However, the courts have repeatedly stated that it is a subjective standard, and they cannot substitute the officer’s view with their view. The threshold of ‘reason to believe’ thus doesn’t provide ample safeguards against intrusion of privacy by tax officers: physical and virtual.   

The broad scope of search and seizure powers under the IT Act, 1961 and now Income Tax Bill, 2025 are rightly criticized for being overbroad. But the pushback is never rooted in protection of privacy. Or if it is, privacy is only in unarticulated subtext. Once officers are authorized to conduct a search and seizure operation under Section 132, they have the power to break locks, almirahs, seize documents, and search persons thereby impinging on business freedoms, bodily autonomy, and basic right to be ‘left alone’. While the State can justify that taxation is a sovereign right and search and seizure powers are ancillary to tax administration. But the articulation of privacy rights is missing in this argument and counter argument. To what extent can the State intrude into a person’s life to secure tax collection? When can the State violate physical autonomy of a taxpayer? On what grounds? We don’t know. Not yet.    

Disclosing Additional Information 

Privacy in the context of income tax law further suffers due to powers of the State to demand additional information under certain circumstances. Search and seizure operation is ideally conducted if the officer believes that the taxpayer has not voluntarily disclosed the information demanded by the State. But sometimes the additional information that is demanded from the taxpayer may put privacy in jeopardy. The additional information is usually sought when the income tax return of a taxpayer is selected for scrutiny or audit. In such cases, the officers demand additional information. For example, if I claim that I paid an ‘X’ amount as medical expenses for myself, then the State can question the validity of the claim. Or the amount. Disclosing additional information may risk disclosing my private medical information to the State. While the State may claim that not disclosing the entirety of medical expenses and the exact disease may jeopardize taxpayer’s claim for medical expenses and tax deduction. Where should we draw the line? Not sure, but the question is worth asking for now. 

Carrying the Conversation Forward  

There are three distinct strands of tax privacy that I wish to articulate in this preliminary article on tax privacy. I hope to delve deeper into each of these strands in the future, but the summation on each of these aspects of tax privacy is as follows. 

To begin with, if a taxpayer consents to sharing personal financial information with the State, then it is not unreasonable to expect tax privacy. To begin with, State should only seek relevant information that is proximate to the purpose of ascertaining tax liability. It is unreasonable to assume that the State has a carte blanche to demand any financial information. 

Equally, it is a valid expectation that the State shall only use the said information for purpose of computing and assessing tax liability. The ‘purpose limitation’ test as data protection law informs us. Privacy in this context is breached if the State uses the information for a purpose other than tax.  

Finally, I wish to underline the once the State has secured certain information, keeping the information secure is also State obligation. However, this is only one aspect of privacy, and in fact, more an element of confidentiality and less of privacy. And yet we tend to focus unduly on the State not disclosing our income tax returns to the public, instead of questioning scope of its power to demand and collect information in the first place. 

Why Should Tax Lawyers Care About the Annual Budget?

Tax law, especially Indian tax law discussions are far too often contained by self-sustaining logic of statutory provisions and case laws. Tax lawyers, including me, feel validated and satisfied having decoded a particular judgment or the meaning of a provision. The satisfaction is often short lived because another judgment or amendment is on the horizon. Else, another Press Release, Circular, Notification, Clarification of the Circular, Amendment to the Notification, Guideline, Order that needs to be read. If we don’t keep abreast, we risk losing clients for missing a deadline of tax return, or failure to obtain tax refunds, or for our failure to render a timely advice. Where does the Budget fit in such daily scheme of things for a tax lawyer? 

In not many places. But, it should.  

In the Budget of 2020-21, for example, it was announced that the Union of India has decided to abolish Dividend Distribution Tax (‘DDT’). It was crucial information. As a tax lawyer I certainly need to know that w.e.f. 1.04.2020, shareholders and not companies are obliged to pay income tax on dividends. Unfortunately, the curiosity of most tax lawyers stops here. 

Ideally, and this is where I aspire to make my case: a tax lawyer should also know why the change was introduced? Union of India introduced DDT in 1997 reasoning that it was easier to collect tax on dividends in the hands of companies itself? It was easier to administer tax law over companies than large swathe of shareholders. Subsequently, ‘Buyback Tax’ was also introduced to plug the loophole of companies avoiding payment of DDT. What changed in 2020 to prompt the Union to upend its policy of taxing dividends in hands of companies? Especially when the no. of shareholders had increased multifold since 1997. Is it because the earlier was policy ill-conceived to begin with? Or is it that despite the large no. of shareholders it was easier track online payment of dividends? Dividends ‘should’ always be taxed in hands of shareholders is not a convincing explanation. For such an explanation impliedly castigates the introduction of DDT and its continuation for close to two decades. 

Now, of course, most practicing tax lawyers are likely to consider the above as superfluous inquiries. Or inquiries that are best addressed by academic lawyers. But that hardly changes the reality that most tax lawyers aren’t curious beyond the immediate needs of their clients. And many don’t have the luxury to meet such curiosity. But I would like to state that understanding reasons for major tax policy changes helps us better anticipate future changes, if not predict them. And ability to anticipate policy changes is an underrated but core quality for many lawyers, not just tax lawyers. 

To take another example, the Budget of 2022-23 revealed that cryptocurrency transactions are no longer in a tax vacuum and will be subject to a flat tax rate of 30%. Not much explanation was forthcoming for the punitive tax for cryptocurrency. But most tax lawyers worth their salt knew that the tax rate was a clear signal to discourage cryptocurrency transactions in India. The prelude to ‘crypto tax’ where RBI attempted to shackle cryptocurrency exchanges should have offered enough clue about the direction of regulatory environment for cryptocurrency in India. But, is it enough for a tax lawyer to know that the Budget has introduced new provisions relating to cryptocurrency transactions in the Income Tax Act, 1961? I guess you know my answer by this point. In my view, timely advice for clients for cryptocurrency transactions was ‘before’ the provision was introduced, not ‘after’. Thus, merely knowing the provisions once they are on the book is not enough. We need deeper and better understanding of the winds of change and their direction.       

But does the Budget tell us more? 

Yes, it does. (Especially if you can sit through the entire Budget Speech!)

Sometimes it tells us that when it comes to taxation, the Union of India operates in mysterious ways. And making anticipating changes may not always be a straightforward task. Because, I think, sometimes it is a mystery to the Union itself as to what tax policies it is enacting and why is it making certain tax policies. The Union of India, can, for example, attempt to ‘rationalise’ capital gains tax by completely doing away with indexation benefits in one sweeping announcement as in the Budget of 2024-25. Done and dusted. Or so it thought.   

And once the Union of India failed to fully explain its decision and received a wave of backlash, it amended its rationalization by introducing a grandfathering provision to ensure that the investments made before 23.07.2024 continued to receive the indexation benefits. 

One explanation for removing indexation benefits was to remove difficult and complicated calculations from the IT Act, 1961. Instead, the Union of India argued, it was better to prescribe a single capital gains tax of 12.5%. But what we now have instead is that for properties bought before 23.07.2024, taxpayers have the option of choosing between an indexation benefit or a capital gains tax of 12.5% from 2024 onwards. Simplification, they said. Dual options for taxpayers were created instead. And no, more is not merrier in every context.   

On second thoughts, maybe Union of India’s approach to tax policy is not a mystery. Maybe the goal is to try and see if through ‘shock and awe’ a policy change can be pushed through. If not, it is prepared make some prudent concessions that should have been incorporated in the first instance itself.    

Apart from the ‘whys’, Budget thus also reveals the ‘hows’ of tax policy changes. Is it a sledgehammer approach, a genteel incremental path, or a passionate persuasion for a change that the Government in power is advocating. Example: rumors that the Budget of 2025 will introduce a new Income Tax Bill. And there isn’t much disbelief about the rumor. An entirely new legislation on income tax is rumored to be introduced in a couple of days and the public is yet to see a draft version. When the Government in power is not averse to such a ‘hide and seek’ way of operating, it becomes a necessity for tax lawyers to be in tune with the Annual Budget. 

Further, the Budget reveals a lot about the nature of time. 

It is trite that laws can be amended or repealed. Statutory provisions can be replaced. And effect of unfavorable judgments can be nullified. But each year the Budget tells us that time does not move only in one direction. Linearity of time is a myth. Tax laws can be amended in 2025 ‘with effect from’ 2017, 2000 or even 1961. For example, there is a distinct possibility that through the Budget of 2025, CGST Act, 2017 will be amended to replace the words ‘plant or machinery’ with ‘plant and machinery’ to negate Supreme Court’s judgment in Safari Retreats case. The GST Council has recommended the amendment be effectuated retrospective effect, i.e., from 2017. Tax lawyers are so used to retrospective amendments that they no longer battle an eyelid when another such amendment is announced. But maybe we should battle an eyelid and more. And ask the tough question: why? Why is it not enough to amend the law w.e.f. 2025? Why do we have to travel back in time and amend it w.e.f. 2017? Can the Union of India, for once, accept it made a legislative oversight/error, change the law and move forward.    

English grammar tells us that conjunctions are important. The expected turn that the Safari Retreats case will take can tell us that conjunctions can be fulcrum of a long litigation battle that may award half a win to the taxpayer, but the Budget will convert it into a full loss. And tax lawyers are none the wiser. Not a great commentary on tax law and its practitioners.  

In formal legal language, Annual Union Budget is many things at the same time. It is the Annual Financial Statement as per Article 112 of the Constitution, Finance Bill when introduced, Finance Act once Parliament approves it, a tool to amend past financial mistakes, and a platform to unveil not a financial but also socio-economic vision of the future. 

In common parlance, Annual Union Budget presents an opportunity to demand ‘relief for middle class’, ‘create investment opportunities’, ‘attract FDI’, and of late hurtle us towards the promised land of ‘Viksit Bharat’. 

But for us tax lawyers, the Budget is also an opportunity to examine if the tax policies are adhering to the enduring canons of taxation propounded by Adam Smith. About time that the examination is public, expressive, and articulate instead of just being reactionary.  

Finally, Budget reveals numbers. It a statement of expenditures and revenues of the past financial year. And proposed expenses for the upcoming financial year. But that’s only one part of a larger story. 

Of late, tax collections are soaring. Undoubtedly. GST collections have only shown an upward trend post-COVID. And the trajectory will likely continue in that direction if there an income tax relief in the Budget of 2025. Income tax relief generally increases cash in hand for taxpayers which in turn will likely spur consumption and generate revenue via GST. So, a further bump in GST collections means a chance to spin the success story of Indian tax policy, including but specifically of GST. But numbers should never be enough. 

To use an analogy: as a tax lawyer, receiving client fee is crucial. Even necessary. But fee cannot be the only barometer of success, no matter how tempting it is to equate money with success.    

If numbers were the ‘be all and end all’, equalization levy was a roaring success and angel tax mopped up some revenue as well. Former is being phased out and latter was abolished via the Budget of 2024-25. Ending the life of both taxes should not be a cause for celebration if numbers are the only touchstone on which success of taxes is to be judged.  

Numbers reveal a story and hide another one. It is upto us what we make of them. If the no. of people filing income tax returns has increased, it is worth applauding. Not so, if they are only filing returns and not paying any effective income tax. Reducing corporate tax rates was supposed to be an incentive for spurring investments, but reduced corporate tax collections since the rate reductions may tell a different story. Ever increasing GST collections may reveal success, but if the burden of GST is primarily being borne by low earning groups, it calls into question the fairness of such a tax. And as much as tax lawyers believe that questions of fairness, justice, and equity are outside their realm, they stare us back in the face every now and then. We may choose to ‘hide’ behind the ‘logic’ and ‘coldness’ of statutory provisions, it won’t change the reality. And neither can we deny how Indian tax policy is increasingly being shaped without a meaningful contribution from tax lawyers.  

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